Trinta di Mei: Fifty-Seven Years Later, What Has Really Changed?

𝘞𝘦 𝘢𝘳𝘦 𝘱𝘭𝘦𝘢𝘴𝘦𝘥 𝘵𝘰 𝘸𝘦𝘭𝘤𝘰𝘮𝘦 𝘋𝘢𝘷𝘪𝘬𝘢 𝘉𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘦𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘳 𝘚𝘩𝘢𝘸 𝘢𝘴 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘗𝘦𝘰𝘱𝘭𝘦𝘴’ 𝘛𝘳𝘪𝘣𝘶𝘯𝘦’𝘴 𝘯𝘦𝘸𝘦𝘴𝘵 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘳 𝘸𝘦𝘦𝘬𝘭𝘺 𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘮𝘯𝘪𝘴𝘵. 𝘏𝘦𝘳 𝘸𝘦𝘦𝘬𝘭𝘺 𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘮𝘯 𝘸𝘪𝘭𝘭 𝘧𝘦𝘢𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘨𝘢𝘨𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘯𝘵, 𝘪𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘨𝘩𝘵, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘢𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘺𝘴𝘪𝘴 𝘰𝘯 𝘱𝘶𝘣𝘭𝘪𝘤 𝘢𝘧𝘧𝘢𝘪𝘳𝘴, 𝘨𝘰𝘷𝘦𝘳𝘯𝘢𝘯𝘤𝘦, 𝘩𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘺, 𝘴𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘦𝘵𝘺, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘪𝘴𝘴𝘶𝘦𝘴 𝘴𝘩𝘢𝘱𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘉𝘰𝘯𝘢𝘪𝘳𝘦 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘸𝘪𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘊𝘢𝘳𝘪𝘣𝘣𝘦𝘢𝘯’𝘴 𝘧𝘶𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘦.

Today marks 57 years since the 1969 Curaçao Uprising, known as Trinta di Mei (30 May). It was a historic social and political revolt that began as a strike by oil industry workers and escalated into widespread riots in Willemstad, Curaçao. The unrest was fueled by economic decline, rising unemployment, racial inequality, discrimination against Afro-Curaçaoans, and growing dissatisfaction with Curaçao's political and constitutional status within the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

The uprising resulted in two deaths, extensive destruction in the capital, and hundreds of arrests. However, it also achieved important immediate gains, including higher wages for workers and the resignation of the government.

The events marked a turning point in Curaçao's history. It weakened white political dominance, increased political participation by Afro-Curaçaoans, and led to the creation of the May 30 Labor and Liberation Front (FOL), whose leaders later won seats in Parliament. Soon afterward, the Netherlands Antilles appointed its first Black Prime Minister, Ernesto Petronia, and its first Black Governor, Ben Leito.

The uprising also strengthened the status of the Papiamentu language, inspired literature and cultural expression, and sparked important debates about Curaçaoan identity, social justice, and decolonization. Although it did not lead to independence, Trinta di Mei remains one of the most significant events in the modern history of the former Netherlands Antilles and continues to influence discussions about democracy, equality, and national identity today.

As we reflect on these events 57 years later and examine the six islands of the former Netherlands Antilles, Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba, the BES islands, which were embedded into the Dutch constitutional framework without the consent of their peoples, and Curaçao, Aruba, and St. Maarten, the CAS islands, amid their continuing constitutional challenges, particularly since 2010, an important question remains: How much has truly changed for the people?

As we reflect on these events of 1969 in Curacao, 57 years later, the six islands of the former Netherlands Antilles continue to face constitutional challenges. Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba were embedded into the Dutch constitutional framework without the consent of their peoples, while Curaçao, Aruba, and St. Maarten continue to confront their own constitutional realities.

On 30 May 2016, ten years ago, James Finies and his group organized a peaceful protest in Bonaire outside the newly constructed Dutch government offices of the RCN. The protest called for respect for the decision of the Bonairean people as expressed in the 2015 referendum, which was held following sustained civil action led by James Finies, who protested 24 hours a day for 222 consecutive days.

In that referendum, 65.5 percent of voters rejected the existing constitutional arrangement. The protest also sought to oppose the process of unilateral integration through the anchoring of Bonaire within the Dutch Constitution, despite the clear rejection of the existing constitutional relationship by the people of Bonaire.

According to sources, the day before the protest, the Chief of Police instructed all police officers to remain overnight at the police station as a precautionary measure. Nevertheless, the demonstration was entirely peaceful.

Leaders and activists from other islands also participated, including Clyde van Putten and Charles Woodley of St. Eustatius, and Aubert Wiels, brother of Curaçao politician Herman Wiels, who was assassinated in 2013. The event was broadcast on 94 FM Voz di Bonaire. Despite a visible police presence, the protest remained peaceful throughout.

In 2018, the elected government of St. Eustatius was undemocratically removed by the Dutch Government, a development that continues to generate debate regarding democracy, self-government, and constitutional relations within the Kingdom.

Beyond Bonaire and St. Eustatius, growing political tensions, governance disputes, concerns regarding Dutch oversight, and increasing citizen activism have recently also emerged in Aruba over its constitutional relationship with the Netherlands, particularly regarding financial supervision and the extent to which external controls may affect local autonomy. Similar discussions are taking place in Curaçao and St. Maarten. These developments raise broader questions about whether the autonomy of the Caribbean countries and territories within the Kingdom has progressed in accordance with democratic principles, international law, the United Nations Charter, and international treaties, or whether it has instead regressed.

These developments raise broader questions: Have the peoples of these islands achieved the full measure of self-government envisioned under international law, the United Nations Charter, and the principles of decolonization? Or do unresolved issues remain that continue to affect their political, economic, social, and cultural development?

In Bonaire and St. Eustatius, concerns continue to be raised regarding education, healthcare, rapid population growth, local autonomy, and the lack of international oversight by the United Nations as envisioned under the principles of the UN Charter, to which the Netherlands is a signatory. These issues have become part of an ongoing public discussion about the future development of the islands and the well-being of their people.

That is why the legacy of Trinta di Mei remains relevant today.

By Davika Bissessar Shaw

Bonaire Under the Lens and Beyond

‍